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<\/a><\/span>At the same time, in the case of the Judicial Appointments Committee \u2013 would the appointment of one judge who advocates the positions supported by a significant group of the ideologically conservative right cause irreparable harm to the Supreme Court? I am acquainted with one of the justice minister\u2019s two candidates. His views do indeed differ from some on the current bench, but he is completely committed to the system itself and could represent another voice in the judicial orchestra \u2013 which, while not necessarily harmonious, would be valuable.<\/p>\n
The bitter truth is that although the multi-front struggle is the result of genuine, patriotic anxiety on both sides regarding our shared future, the generals of the different camps lack intellectual flexibility and expansive vision. Each is entrenched in their own \u201cMasada,\u201d eyes shut to the overall good, which by definition requires compromise.<\/p>\n
As noted, I do not believe there is an equivalence of responsibility here: the government is more responsible than any other party, because it holds the power and is obliged to wield it in a way becoming to statesmen. The fact that the coalition, which vaingloriously embraces the \u201cconservative\u201d label, is attempting to change the rules of the game is ironic in the worst sense of the word. All the polls show that public trust in the government is exceedingly low, and it certainly does not enjoy the support of the majority of Israelis.<\/p>\n
A CEASEFIRE is needed on the eighth front, without which victory on the other seven fronts may prove pyrrhic. A ceasefire does not mean the dispute has been settled, but rather is a call for its removal from the nation\u2019s immediate agenda. The debate must continue, but it must be conducted with the sincere intention of reaching an equitable balance of power between the branches of government, not by exploiting a political moment when one of the parties has the upper hand.<\/p>\n
The parties to the dispute must understand that a decisive victory for one of them is a loss for all of us. A unilateral victory is not a state of equilibrium in Israel, because each of the camps is too large to agree to surrender. The losing side will regroup for another round in the struggle. Thus, for example, if the justice minister manages to pass some of the proposed changes in the Knesset, it is very likely that after the next elections those changes will be repealed by a new coalition. And along the way \u2013 we all lose. Not just the losers in the current round, but also the winners, who will lose in the next round.<\/p>\n
\u201cCompromise\u201d is seen as a waiver of principles and an expression of ideological weakness. This is a grave mistake: compromise is the life blood of those who seek the good of the State of Israel, given the deep social divides within it. In compromise, no one comes out with all their desires fulfilled, but no one is defeated in a way that triggers extreme moves that could be destructive.<\/p>\n
Those who have not yet understood this should take an unblinking look at where we are right now: a public sphere that is operating with a centrifugal force that has destructive consequences. The great Israeli poet Yehuda Amichai stressed this when he looked into the depths of the public psyche and determined that \u201cfrom the place where we are right, flowers will never grow in the spring.\u201d<\/p>\n
The rules of the game for managing the Israeli dispute are unstable. A simple majority can \u2013 and is currently trying to \u2013 change them unilaterally. Israel\u2019s future depends on the ability of our leadership, in all branches of government, to promote broad consensus on fair rules to be anchored in a \u201cthin constitution,\u201d which cannot be changed with a simple majority. A \u201cthin constitution\u201d is the necessary antidote for this crisis. Until it is enacted \u2013 and in times of war \u2013 a ceasefire is required. Only then will flowers grow here in the spring.<\/p>\n