{"id":4609,"date":"2020-08-17T12:00:00","date_gmt":"2020-08-17T09:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/article\/gavisons-last-will-and-testament\/"},"modified":"2020-08-17T12:00:00","modified_gmt":"2020-08-17T09:00:00","slug":"gavisons-last-will-and-testament","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/gavisons-last-will-and-testament\/","title":{"rendered":"Gavison\u2019s Last Will and Testament"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">Among all the jurists of the last generation, the late Ruth Gavison stood out as an intellectual beacon. She was blessed with unusual acuity and intellectual brilliance, creativity and courageous thought, a broad education, curiosity, and meticulous attention to detail. Her professional writings, carved out by an analytical razor, and nourished by a sharp critical sense, were marked by sparks of inspiration, leaving a powerful professional impact on leading jurists throughout the western world.<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">The academic career that won her the Israel Prize was not enough for Ruth. Her commitment to the State of Israel and to Israeli society was unparalleled, and Ruth served the role of a public intellectual of the first order. This was expressed in her many positions: President of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel; a fellow of research institutes, including the Israel Democracy Institute, where we worked together; a member of many public committees; Rabbi Yakov Meidan\u2019s partner in drafting a covenant to formulate the relations between religion and state, and much more. Audiences at her lectures, found themselves breathless as they tried to follow her complex and sophisticated trends of thought, spun with stunning fluency and giving a voice to her fiery spirit. When Ruth, her mane of white hair waving from side to side, spoke \u2013magic filled the room.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">If she were to read these remarks, she would have seethed at my wasting words about her&#8211;the individual, rather than about her ideas. What then, are the main points of her ideas on the key issue with which Israeli society is grappling today\u2014the relations between the political and the judicial?<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">Over the past two years, Ruth was part of a group of professors who are preparing an online course on Israeli identity\u2014a unique course to be offered by all institutions of higher education in Israel. Last week, during a discussion about the content of the course, Ruth, at my request, sent me a short document that can be seen as something of a visionary \u201clast will and testament\u201d on the future of our society and our country. It distills her doctrine of democracy, in the spirit of the liberal nationalism that was hers. Its main points are as follows:<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">Israeli society is made up of several identity groups, each with its own interests and visions, all of them engaged in a perpetual arm-wrestling match. We must create a balance between what unites us\u2014the civic partnership that does not distinguish among these groups, and what divides us\u2014the ideological arguments that must be addressed rather than suppressed. \u201cWe must find ways to live together; not necessarily to decide in favor of one or another direction.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">How can this balance be achieved? The bedrock on which such a balance rests is a formal democracy in which all citizens are equal. Though it is indeed essential, this bedrock is not enough. No less significant is the imperative to preserve Israel\u2019s unique character\u2014nationally, ethnically, religiously, and historically\u2014and to recognize that Israel is not only democratic, but also Jewish. These two defining characteristics are in constant tension, but both must be nurtured. \u201cJewish and democratic\u201d is a vision \u201cthat cannot be relegated to a subordinate place,\u201d even though not all citizens agree on this vision, nor accept it.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">Furthermore, there is also a constant tension between formal democracy, the principle of majority rule, and the defense of human rights, the latter\u2014requiring setting limits to what the majority can impose on individuals and minority groups. Human rights are based on ethical concepts that derive from the defense of human dignity, \u201cwhich can be a religious or a liberal value.\u201d However, and this is where Ruth\u2019s unique perspective is brought to light\u2014limits must be set to the scope of the discourse on human rights, \u201cso as not to castrate politics.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">Gavison strived to forge a dynamic balance\u2014which she did not believe must be anchored in a written constitution\u2014among three elements: \u201cpolitical arrangements,\u201d resulting from citizens\u2019 exercise of their right to vote; \u201csocial arrangements,\u201d which are based on decentralized mechanisms of local and contractual decisions; and \u201cthe defense of rights\u201d\u2014the only one of these three which falls under the purview of the courts. According to this division\u2014and in contrast to the current situation in Israel\u2014\u201ca relatively broad space\u201d would remain \u201cfor political and social struggles and conflicts, about specific arrangements.\u201d Not everything is justiciable.<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">It is incumbent on all citizens to fight for their own beliefs and interests\u2014but they must also recognize the legitimacy of decisions that have been made even if these do not match their own beliefs. With the noteworthy exception of blatant infringements of human rights, the discourse on rights must not be invoked in the context of ideological battles. Ruth was opposed to the judicialization process, through which the courts have expanded the scope of their authority. She believed that the discourse on rights is not the appropriate tool for settling key constitutional and political issues, in light of the fact that it takes recourse to rigid principles that impair the flexibility that is needed to effectively manage controversy and conflict. Thus for example, she opposed the legislation of the Nation-State Basic Law.<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">I knew Ruth for more than twenty-five years. These were the last lines she wrote to me, only a few days before her untimely death: \u201cIsraeli society is currently in crisis, but its social and political roots are more robust and resilient than the polarizing discourse. Our academic course on democracy, Jewish nationalism, and human rights must serve to fortify the sense among all the components of Israeli society\u2014individuals and groups\u2014that they are partners in working towards its flourishing development\u2014and are free to sound their voice and act to promote their own interests.\u201d I see this as the essence of her testament.<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">The late Ruth Gavison was a moral compass and a strategic asset for Israeli society. We have now lost a source of inspiration for many. Even though her life\u2019s song has gone silent, her students, her beliefs and her incisive perspectives remain here to keep her ideas and her convictions alive.<\/p>\n<p style=\"direction: ltr;\">The article was published in the <a rel=\"noopener\" href=\"https:\/\/www.jpost.com\/opinion\/ruth-gavisons-lasting-legacy-is-her-commitment-to-liberal-nationalism-638995\" target=\"_blank\">Jerusalem Post<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n\n<!-- AddThis Advanced Settings generic via filter on the_content --><!-- AddThis Share Buttons generic via filter on the_content -->","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Among all the jurists of the last generation, the late Ruth Gavison stood out as an intellectual beacon. She was blessed with unusual acuity and intellectual brilliance, creativity and courageous thought, a broad education, curiosity, and meticulous attention to detail. Her professional writings, carved out by an analytical razor, and nourished by a sharp critical sense, were marked by sparks&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4609","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","library-op-ed"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4609","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4609"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4609\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4609"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jppi.org.il\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4609"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}