The Haredim (ultra-Orthodox) are changing their attitude toward Israeli society writ large, and are returning to their historical stance of oppositionalism – resistance to authority and expectations.
Last month, Yitzhak Goldknopf and Meir Porush, two ministers from Agudat Yisrael, resigned from the government. Earlier this week, the Degel HaTorah party pulled out of the coalition, followed by Agudat Yisrael. Most commentators have treated these developments with some cynicism, convinced that a formula for a conscription law will be found before the resignations take effect, and everyone will return to the fold.
I am not certain they are right. There is a reasonable chance that the Haredim (ultra-Orthodox) — at least the Ashkenazi faction — will “go all the way” and leave the government, even if it brings it down. We should consider the possibility that the Haredim are changing their attitude toward Israeli society writ large, and are returning to their historical stance of oppositionalism — resistant to authority and expectations.
The Haredim see themselves as the “surviving remnant” — the authentic Jews who were not swept up by the waves of modernity, secularism, and nationalism. and therefore stand apart from the broader Jewish public. They maintain a separate and parallel system of public institutions alongside those of the broader Jewish and Israeli society — not only schools and synagogues, but also free-loan societies and charitable welfare organizations. Their fundamental ideological position is that they are “in exile among Jews,” to use the title of a famous article by one of their leaders in Poland, Nathan Birnbaum (1864-1937).
The Haredi parties have been part of Likud-led coalitions for nearly 50 years, since Menachem Begin’s political upheaval in 1977. Over the years, Likud essentially invited the Haredim to abandon their oppositional stance and join the broad right-wing coalition of traditionalists, religious Zionists, and Haredim — the “coalition of believers,” as Shimon Riklin calls it. The Haredim responded that they were willing to do so, but only if their most basic and important interests were safeguarded. These included a complete exemption from military service for all Haredi men devoted to full-time Torah study. For a time, such a demand was politically untenable, due to the presence in Likud coalitions of secular (Yisrael Beiteinu) or centrist (Yesh Atid) parties. Yet there was an expectation that with the rise of “full right-wing” governments, a Haredi draft exemption law might finally pass. Of course, that has not happened, and Netanyahu has essentially stalled them for two years.
What is important is not only that it didn’t happen, but that the Haredi leadership is increasingly convinced it cannot happen. They understand that it is not the politicians who are the problem, but rather Israeli society itself — including Religious Zionists and Likud supporters — who oppose such a move. In other words, they now understand that they are returning to an oppositional relationship with the broader Israeli society. This is a script they know well — one could say it is their foundational script. In such a scenario, the Haredim will once again be in the opposition, as they were for decades before 1977. They will be in the opposition because they fundamentally oppose the Zionist framework of the State of Israel, and they recognize that a Zionist state has, in essence, no place for Haredi society and its values. That is to say, the radical Haredi leadership is prepared — and perhaps even desires — to return to the opposition.
Naturally, such a move would have consequences, as commentators have noted, but it is not clear that these consequences are decisive. Aryeh Deri (Shas) does not want to bring down a right-wing government. But it is doubtful whether this matters to Rabbis Lando and Hirsch or to the Gur Rebbe For them, right and left are almost indistinguishable — both comprise Jews who have abandoned the Torah path and joined the false ideology of Zionism. True, they will lose significant funding. Yet even this may not trouble them much.
The Haredi society in Israel is fundamentally elitist. It was originally meant to include only those willing to dedicate their lives to Torah study out of self-sacrifice, while living materially modest lives — along with their families. Over the years, the Haredi population expanded, and with it came increased political influence and a flow of public funding. It is quite possible that the Haredi leadership is now prepared to return to the old model — higher quality in exchange for lower quantity.
It is hard to imagine that elderly rabbis and rebbes are bothered by Haredi families not going out to cafés on Saturday nights or taking vacations abroad. Nor would it trouble them if the “modern Haredim” were to leave the community. What matters is that the “surviving remnant” will remain — the faithful of Israel loyal to the path of their forefathers.