If it passes, it will fortify the camp that rejects core civic values, magnify the burden on the military and the economy, and put the country's very survival in jeopardy.

What Katz did to Zamir this week is not about professionalism, governance, or oversight. It is about keeping the spotlight on the IDF and away from the government.

Just a few years ago, progressive antisemites were as rare as racist civil rights activists or pacifist boxers.

When an Israeli says “I shifted to the right,” he or she is sending us a message: I became more suspicious of peace processes, more skeptical of concessions, more demanding about security guarantees.

When these long-term demographic trajectories combine with new data showing increased traditionalism among young Israelis, the direction is quite clear.

A half century ago, a courageous New York hero, a proud Democrat working for a Republican president, stood before the world and denounced the UN’s poisonous hatred that Zionism is racism, so how can anyone of good conscience support a mayoral candidate who aligns with that?

Hamas is far from gone from Gaza, little progress has been made on 19 out of Trump's 20 points in his plan and not all of the hostages' remains have been returned. Is Hamas winning?

Could a political assassination still occur in Israel today? Has the danger passed? Thirty years have gone by, full of fierce internal struggles, yet without an outbreak of extreme violence.

Pope Leo XIV’s task is clear: to ensure that the lofty words of 1965 are matched by deeds in 2025. That means denouncing antisemitism unequivocally, whether it hides behind anti-Zionism or any other guise.