If Israel leans sharply toward one “side” and greatly disfavors one of these two pillars – Jewishness or democracy – it will lose its distinct moral character. It must be agreed that these values-based pillars will continue to serve as a robust basis for any structure built upon them.

The State of Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, whose character determines the character of the state. This character is the basic common denominator of the “people who dwell in Zion.” If we so merit, then the minorities among us, minorities that are not Jewish, will become attached to that vision out of respect and appreciation. If not, we will have to improve.

The new Israeli-Jewish entity wants to be recognized as a Jewish state and not only as a state for Jews. Therefore, it should also formulate a national covenant of destiny as the next stage in its development. Not only that, but it needs a covenant of destiny embodying a unique Israeli-Jewish and democratic destiny that will also be acceptable to the state’s non-Jewish minorities.

Israel needs to encourage the establishment of integrated schools for religious and secular pupils, where the encounter between the communities will not superficialize or erode each individual community but rather fortify the communities and deepen their respective identities.

The place for deciding on ethical questions should be the Knesset alone, as it is the Knesset that is able to most faithfully reflect the will of the people, and to achieve practical compromises that make coexistence possible.

the state of the Jews will not enjoy stability or peace without also becoming the state of all its citizens as well; not as a substitute for, or an evasion of, Israel’s national-Jewish character, and not as a renunciation of Judaism’s important and inspirational presence in Israeli culture and in the Israeli public realm, but as a shared sphere of civic activity for the public good of Jews and non-Jews in Israel.

An argument is sometimes made that the term “Zionism” no longer means much. In this reading, Zionism was a 19th- and 20th-century project to regain a secure and recognized Jewish homeland. It succeeded in 1948. Those who approve of the project have gotten on with it; those who don’t approve need to get over it. End of story. But leaving aside the fact that this homeland is neither universally recognized nor truly secure, this view of Zionism sells its true meaning short.

The Declaration of Independence promises that Israel will be “based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel.” To our great pride and satisfaction, the state is indeed guided by those precepts, or at least aspires to be, though it is still far from conducting itself as envisaged by the Prophets. The Declaration’s drafters themselves made selective use of the prophetic vision, to great rhetorical effect.

Zionism’s greatest success is its simplest one: for the first time in history, in Israel, the Jewish people can powerfully protect themselves.  Not only can they find protection here, as Ukrainian and Russians Jews recently have, but they also find solace from the resurgence of antisemitism in Europe and America.